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JOSS :

Journal of Social Science

ROHINGYA CRISIS IN BANGLADESH: CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES AND

REMEDIES

Md. Ashraful Islam

Pabna University of Science and Technology, Pabna-6600, Bangladesh

E-mail: [email protected]

KEYWORDS

Rohingya crisis,

Bangladesh refugee

crisis, Rohingya

persecution,

ABSTRACT

Bangladesh, a nation marked by its dense population, continues to wrestle

with multifaceted challenges even 52 years after gaining independence

while navigating the sophistications of development. Among these

challenges, the pressing issue of the Rohingya people's plight takes center

stage, with various forms of oppression, including mass killings, executions,

forced labor, deportation, and the denial of fundamental human rights,

rendering them stateless. This study seeks to dissect the roots of the

Rohingya crisis and explore its repercussions on Bangladesh. Employing an

exploratory research approach, data from secondary sources were

qualitatively analyzed using content analysis to discern underlying themes

and patterns. The findings reveal that the Rohingya crisis is primarily driven

by the lack of documentation, the rise of authoritarianism, and a complex

religious landscape. Additionally, the paper identifies social, economic, and

environmental challenges as direct consequences of refugee migration in

Bangladesh. These insights hold significant implications for policymakers

and practitioners actively involved in addressing the Rohingya crisis.

Offering a comprehensive analysis, the study also proposes practical policy

recommendations grounded in the specific context of the crisis, aiming for

tangible applications in real-world scenarios.

INTRODUCTION

The Rohingya are an Islamic ethnic minority who have resided in Myanmar's

predominantly Buddhist country for generations (Rahman & Mahajan, 2019). They are not

counted among Myanmar's 135 designated ethnic groups and have been refused nationality

since 1982, thereby making themselves stateless. An estimated 1 to 1.5 million Rohingya

people reside in the three settlements of the North Rakhine region—Maungdaw, Buthidaung,

and Rathedaung—in Myanmar. Human rights breaches against this population group are

centered on discrimination and unfair treatment (Ahsan Ullah, 2016). In their native state, the

Rohingya have endured decades of systemic oppression, deprivation, and intentional brutality.

Such oppression has been pushing Rohingya women, youth, vulnerable children, and men into

Bangladesh for several years, with notable increases after violent invasions in 1978, 1991–

1992, and 2016. The largest and fastest refugee migration into Bangladesh, though, took place

in August 2017. Ever since, at least 745,000 Rohingya people have fled to Cox's Bazar, along

with more than 400,000 infants. Thousands of civilians have been set on fire, families have

been separated apart and killed, and girls and women have been the victims of sexual assaults.

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The significant proportion of the people who were able to escape were severely traumatized

after witnessing terrible brutalities (Staggers-Hakim, 2016).

In the proximity of Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, that currently is home to the largest refugee

camp in the world, these people sought interim asylum in refugee camps. In March 2019, the

Ukhiya and Teknaf Upazilas housed around 909,000 stateless Rohingya refugees. The large

percentage of Rohingya refugees reside in 34 overpopulated shelters, most notably the

Kutupalong-Balukhali expanded complex, which is home to 626,500 of them (Islam, 2018).

The presence of Rohingyas in Cox's bazar posed a significant issue to Bangladesh's

government, which, as a poor country, had to deal with a large number of refugees. Evidence

says Rohingya people living in Bangladesh are involved in crime and human rights violations,

posing a serious threat to the local population. Despite several approaches by Bangladesh to

end the problem with a peaceful arrangement with Myanmar, they all ended up in the darkness

(Knie & Pride, 2018). Bangladesh has attempted international cooperation several times, but

each time has failed due to Myanmar's refusal and denial of agreement. It is therefore important

to uncover the underlying causes of resulting the failure of crisis agreement and its impact in

Bangladesh as a developing nation for an effective and efficient resolution of the state with

global cooperation (Niyonkuru, 2016). Consequently, the objective of this study is to explore

causes, consequences and remedies of Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh.

Eventually, the existing literature does not adequately address the core reasons and

serious outcomes of the Rohingya problem, especially focusing on Myanmar's absence of

democracy and the emergence of extremism, drug smuggling, and other significant hazards.

As a result, the current paper aims to identify the fundamental reasons behind the Rohingya

people's exodus from their home country to Bangladesh, in addition to the resulting effects and

consequences.

METHOD RESEARCH

Rohingya as an issue is a complex matter and has several variables that require different

classes of methods for investigation (Hosen & Shahria, 2020). This paper follows an

exploratory research approach focuses on the publication of earlier related works in secondary

sources. To collect data, the author utilized several search engines and websites such as

Google, Google Scholar, Science Direct, Research Gate, Social Science Research Network

(SSRN), Academia.edu, and others. The information was sourced from reputable journal

articles, reports by international organizations, legitimate newspapers, and other reliable

sources. Moreover, the author adhered to the qualitative research approach in the domain of

social science in an appropriate approach. That is, the data in this study was descriptively

evaluated and interpreted. At the same time, the content analysis technique has been used as a

qualitative research instrument. In essence, this research is a qualitative study that relies on

secondary data.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Causes of Rohingya Crisis

Rohingya crisis begins with a decade of violation, oppression and discrimination against

Rakhaine Muslim (Faisal, 2020). Their greatest migration started in August 2017 when an

upsurge of cruelty erupted in Myanmar's Rakhine State, resulting millions of residents, half of

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whom were children, to flee to Bangladesh. The majority of Rohingya homes were ravaged by

fire, thousands of people were massacred or torn apart from their households, and numerous

violations of human rights were noted. Some key socio and geopolitical factors impacted the

procedure at a later point.

Documentation and State Policy

Promulgated in Military Citizenship Law of 1982 was one of the final nails of the

statelessness of Rohin gya people (Anwary, 2020). The law established two types of

citizenship: "Associate" citizenship, which was available to those whose citizen petitions were

still being processed, and "Naturalized" citizenship, which was available to non-citizens who

could show that they and their forefathers had resided in the nation prior to its independence.

As a result, all Rohingyas who called Myanmar their residence should have been able to

maintain their citizenship under the Act's Section 6 as naturalized citizens, or as associate

residents (Ahsan Ullah, 2016). Despite the fact that most Rohingyas can locate their ancestors

back to the colonial period, the great majority have been denied citizenship due to a lack of

sufficient documentation. People who were qualified under the citizenship law of 1948, which

granted citizenship to those whose kin had remained in the state earlier to 1948, would no more

be entitled under this new regulation. They would therefore be regarded as associate citizens

if they applied for nationality in 1948. To become a naturalized citizen, one must show proof

of entry and residence in Burma before to the country's independence in 1948 (application or

their parents). The Rohingyas were not affected by the Foreigner Act [Indian Act III, 1846],

the Registration of Foreigners Act [Burma Act VII, 1940], or the Registration of Foreigners

Rules, 1948. This was true before and after Burma became independent (Ahsan Ullah, 2016).

Rise of Authoritarianism

Aung San, the founder of democratic Burma, was a charismatic figure who was able to

unite all of Burma's ethnic group before the country's establishment. The 1947 Panglong

Agreement, signed under San's leadership, guaranteed that minority groups' desires for

autonomy and federalism would be honored. After him in 1948, U Nu became the first Prime

Minster of independent Burma. Several militant groups arose during his rule, effectively

hijacking Burma's governmental apparatus (Thawnghmung & Noah, 2021). It's questionable

whether U Nu was motivated by a desire to spread Buddhism in Burma. Nu primarily supported

Buddhism in Myanmar to undermine the dominance of communists, according to a

groundbreaking research by Human Rights Watch. Buddhism was not utilized as a strategic

weapon against the Rohingya in any of the ways it was employed for political goals during the

country's parliamentary system. At the time, the Rohingya were also not denied basic rights.

They were engaged voters in every election. They were even recognized as one of Burma's

indigenous ethnic groups by the parliamentary administration. All of these liberties have been

increasingly curtailed by Burma's uprising authoritarian regime (Fernandez Silva, 2020).

Religious Conundrum

Myanmar is home to one of the world's most diverse cultures. The majority of the

population is Buddhist, accounting for around 90% of the total. The Rohingya Muslims of

Myanmar's Rakhine state (formerly Arakan) are an ethno-religious minority that have lived in

the state for millennia (Fernandez Silva, 2020). Ruled by Buddhist king the presentation of

Rohingya minority was always negligible. Over time the government persecuted the innocent

Rohingya people and denied them as legal ethnic group within the country. Human Rights

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Watch stated in 2002 that the state provided military orders mandating the destruction of

unlicensed mosques. The government has converted former mosques and Islamic institutions

into administrative offices. A total of 28 mosques and religious schools were attacked by mobs

in 2001. Not only did state security fail to prevent the threats, but it actively contributed to the

destruction. Since 1990, religious persecution of Rohingya Muslims has increased

dramatically. The Burmese military has closed and destroyed Islamic schools (typically with

the assistance of forced Muslim laborers), assaulted Rohingyas during prayer, prohibited the

majority of religious exercises, and detained and tortured Islamic teachers and students (Sohel,

2017).

Impact of Crisis in Bangladesh

Economic Impact

State officials, humanitarian groups, medical experts, environmental officials, and law

enforcement officials have ascertained that the occurrence of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh

has a severe, long-term detrimental effect on Bangladeshi society, industry, politics, and

climate, particularly in the south of the country. The Arakan crisis forced people to flee their

homes and seek asylum in Bangladesh, which has had a detrimental influence on Bangladesh's

economy, social system, and safety (Center, 2018). The Rohingya crisis, conferring to some

Bangladeshi economists, has hindered Bangladesh's rapid economic growth in several areas.

The inflow has already resulted in a spike in the price of daily necessities, a fall in salary rates,

and a decrease in poverty rates in Bangladesh's southern region. In that sector, government

spending has increased, excluding grants from other countries. The government's economic

burden from Rohingya refugees is likely to grow if the crisis drags on (Ahmad & Naeem,

2020).

Social Impact

Several NGO employees have expressed concern about the Rohingyas' lack of awareness.

Some implementers have built very shallow tube wells, at a much lower height than is ideal,

which has prompted additional concerns about the optimal location of these systems. It reflects

that tubewells will eventually become obsolete since they will not be able to reach groundwater

(Mekki et al., 2017). As a result, there is likely to be a scarcity of safe drinking water. Kids in

the camps either don't own shoes or refuse to wear them. As a result, family planning-related

illnesses pose a significant threat. The number of Rohingya people living in the camps is

expected to rise in the coming days, putting additional stress on already-scarce resources like

food, employment, healthcare, and more.

Environmental Impact

A considerable number of Rohingyas from Myanmar have migrated to Teknaf's forest

areas, posing a serious danger to the region's long-term forest management. The ever-

increasing population has an impact on local resources and the environment. Many additional

challenges, such as biodiversity conservation, climate change adaptation and mitigation, and

coastal resilience, are intertwined with forest resources. The 2017 Rohingya influx was a

completely different kind of shock for Bangladesh. The Rohingya response strategy must

include a sustainable forest management plan (Bandur, 2019). Teknaf Wildlife Sanctuary

covers 11,615 hectares and is home to 538 plant species and 613 animal species, including

Asian elephants. Forests and trees play a variety of roles in enhancing community resilience

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and reducing vulnerability to climate-related pressures. As a result, the current deforestation

condition is concerning for the Teknaf peninsula's coastal resiliency (Imtiaz, 2018).

Government Initiatives

A multitude of initiatives has been set in motion to grapple with the intricate Rohingya

issue in Bangladesh, a challenge that has captured global attention (Knie & Pride, 2018). These

initiatives, stemming from both local and international actors, aim to address the multifaceted

dimensions of the crisis. The complexity of the Rohingya issue necessitates a comprehensive

and collaborative approach, and these initiatives represent a collective endeavour to alleviate

the suffering and promote lasting solutions for the affected population in Bangladesh.

Humanitarian Support

The Rohingya people have received humanitarian aid from both national and

international NGOs as well as the Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief of the

Bangladeshi government. In order to provide aid to the Rohingya population, a Geneva pledge

conference was organized by the UN, IOM, UNHCR, and OCHA, with the support of Kuwait

and the EU. The conference aimed to gather funds and requested a total of US$ 434 million to

address the humanitarian needs of the Rohingya people.

Diplomatic Initiatives

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has called the persecution of the

Rohingya in Myanmar an act of ethnic cleansing. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh

has put up a five-point plan: i) Immediately and permanently, Myanmar must put an end to the

violence and ethnic cleansing in the Rakhine State. ii) The UN Secretary-General ought to

dispatch a Fact-Finding Mission to Myanmar without delay. iii) It is imperative to ensure the

safety of all civilians, regardless of their religious or ethnic backgrounds. This could be

accomplished by establishing UN-monitored "safe zones" inside Myanmar. iv) Safely and

permanently reintegrate all Rohingya refugees living in Bangladesh back into their

communities in Myanmar. v) The entire, definite, and instantaneous implementation of the

Kofi Annan Commission Report's recommendations is required (Khatun, 2017).

Bilateral Agreement

On the 24-27 October 2017, Bangladesh's home minister visited Myanmar and met with

Myanmar's minister of home affairs to discuss possible ways to return the Rohingyas.

Bangladesh and Myanmar engaged two pacts on security and border assistance during the visit.

They promised to make tangible steps and take concrete measures to ensure the Rohingyas'

safe, honourable, and secure return to Myanmar.

Legal Status of Rohingyas

The Myanmar government refers to the Rohingyas as "illegal Bengali immigrants to

Myanmar." However, the Bangladeshi government disagrees with this classification and

opposes Myanmar's stance on the Rohingyas' ethnic identity. Rather than referring to them as

Myanmar's Rohingya refugees, Bangladesh identifies them as "forcibly displaced Myanmar

residents" to avoid any confusion regarding their identity (Khatun, 2017).

CONCLUSION

Bangladesh is dealing with a multi-faceted dilemma as a result of the Rohingya

catastrophe. The international community must step up its efforts to provide long-term support

and assistance to the Rohingyas, including providing them with basic necessities like food,

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water, shelter, and healthcare. Additionally, the Bangladeshi government should work with the

international community to address the root causes of the crisis, such as the persecution of the

Rohingyas in Myanmar. This can include diplomatic efforts to pressure the Myanmar

government to stop its human rights abuses against the Rohingya population, as well as

working to create safe conditions for their return. Finally, more attention needs to be given to

the mental health needs of both the Rohingya refugees and the host communities in Bangladesh,

who have been impacted by the influx of refugees. Overall, a number of coordinated, sustained,

and comprehensive approach is needed to address the Rohingya crisis and ensure the protection

and well-being of all those affected by it.

In summary, the Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh remains a pressing global concern,

demanding sustained attention and collaborative efforts. The initiatives undertaken thus far,

spanning diplomatic, humanitarian, and legal realms, reflect a collective commitment to

address the multifaceted challenges faced by the Rohingya population. As the international

community strives for lasting solutions, continued collaboration and a comprehensive approach

are imperative to alleviate the immediate plight and pave the way for a more secure and

sustainable future for the affected communities.

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Md. Ashraful Islam (2023)

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